Airpower in action (part II)

by CY Caldwell

Part I

NAVAL SUPPORT

War experience has demonstrated that no army can function without the support of airpower; no navy keep the seas lacking air support. Yet airpower, in its turn, is dependent for its existence upon the support of armies and navies. While the power of the air arm is increasing, at a much greater rate than that of surface forces, no air force in the world today is truly independent, able to defend a nation by its own unsupported efforts, or able even to supply itself and remain in existence as a fighting force.

The Royal Air Force, for example, does not function solely because it has airplanes, armament, bombs, and a magnificent fighting spirit. It also requires, among other things, gas and oil. And no oil is produced in the British Isles. It must be brought to Britain in the holds of tankers, convoyed against the menace of the submarine and German air raiders by units of the Royal Navy and the U. S. Atlantic Fleet, aided by shore-based aircraft of the British Coastal Command. Nor is this the only consideration. The entire population of Britain, including the armed forces and the people who build planes for the RAF, must be maintained by a. continuous stream of shipping carrying tens of thousands of tons of supplies. These ships without whose cargoes Britain must collapse through exhaustion and starvation, must be guarded by naval and air forces working as a team. Air cargo carriers cannot now, or at any time in the forseeable future, take over this huge tonnage and maintain Britain by air transport alone. They can carry only part of the load.

United States airpower, for another example, cannot fly off to battle from the shores of New York or California. Even though our long range bombers may fly to any part of the globe where man is now industriously destroying himself and all his works. Bombers of themselves do not constitute airpower, which requires gasoline, oil, bombs, ammunition, ground bases, and thousands of tons of supplies, including food, and even bottled beer for the proper sustenance and encouragement of the fighting spirit. This part of airpower, the basic part, including also short-range fighter planes, must steam ingloriously to war in the holds of humble cargo vessels wallowing along for thousands of miles at speeds surpassed by all but the most indolent of fish. In all of that journey the ingredients of airpower must be guarded by naval units, including even the once-mighty battleship, now apparently reduced to the status of nurse-maid to a collection of tramp steamers. The mastadon passed away without suffering that indignity.

Not only American airpower, but practically all of America's war effort, including supplying our Allies with war equipment and food, must move across the surface of the sea, subject to attack from the air and from under the sea, and sometimes from the surface of the sea. It is therefore a matter of grave concern to the United States and to all of the United Nations that the power of the airplane to sink or seriously damage the surface ship, whether warship or merchant ship, is increasing day by day. With every mile added to the range of bombers, with every ton added to the load they can carry, the threat to our war effort increases; for if we cannot transport our equipment and supplies to the far-flung fighting fronts, and transport also the men in our own fighting forces, then our war effort is blocked by destruction in transit.

THE VANISHING BATTLESHIP

War experience has demonstrated the vulnerability of every type of surface vessel to air attack. The British sunk two Italian battleships and a cruiser at anchor in Tarento harbor; Japanese torpedo planes and bombers sunk two American battleships and other warships at Pearl Harbor; Japanese torpedo planes and bombers accounted tor a British battleship and a battle cruiser off Malaya; one American bomber alone accounted for a Japanese battleship. The old battleship-airplane controversy has gone to the bottom of the sea in the shattered hulks of more than half a dozen battleships whose huge guns and crews of more than a thousand officers and men had been impotent to defend them against the attacks of their relatively tiny flying antagonists.

The entire naval strategy of all nations has been disrupted and disorganized by airpower, ship-based or shore-based. The conception of the battleship as the backbone of the fleet has been discredited; the aircraft carrier has taken its place as the hardest-hitting ship in the navy. Of what use is the battleship if it cannot bring its huge guns to bear upon another of its kind. before torpedo planes and bombers from accompanying carriers, or aircraft from Army bases ashore, have sunk the enemy battleship? So far in this struggle no battleship has fired a shot at another in a fleet action. The Bismarck was brought to bay by damage inflicted by torpedo planes from aircraft carriers, slowing it down and thus permitting superior naval forces to1 close with it and finish it off.

AIRPOWER DEFINED

In the Coral Sea, Midway, and Solomon battles it was airpower that won the decision. And right here it might be well for convenience sake to define airpower as force exerted from the air; seapower as force exerted on the surface or under the surface of the sea; and landpower as force exerted on land. Airplanes carried by a navy are regarded as a part of seapower, because they fly under naval control and. are transported by naval vessels. But when they are in action it makes no difference whether they came from carriers or from land bases, operated by the army or by the navy; they function as airpower. If all the world's navies discarded their big guns and carried airplanes instead, they might still term themselves navies; but actually they then would be air forces, with the ships serving merely as floating aerodromes. The airplanes would function as well over land as over the sea. The plain fact is that the airplane itself, as a flying platform from which a blow can be delivered to the enemy, has brought a new power to war. It is airpower, irrespective of whether an admiral or a general gave the order that sent it off on its task; irrespective of whether it left the deck of a naval vessel, or the concrete runway of a Pacific island.

Considered in these simple terms, airpower exerts control over seapower. It menaces or protects, from the air, all vessels on the surface and under the surface. It is the ascendant force, and it is steadily and quickly going up in power and range and destructive ability, while the power of the surface vessel using guns to hurl its blows is going down in direct ratio to the rise of the airplane.

While there is little doubt in the minds of airmen that airpower eventually must control all movements on land and sea, the instruments for such absolute control do not yet exist. Navies are in process of evolution. The increasing emphasis on carrier construction and on the use of land-based aircraft supporting fleet actions, indicate clearly that the gun is losing ground, the bomb and the torpedo gaining ascendancy as the most effective way of delivering a blow to the enemy. But carriers do not spring into being overnight; huge land-based air forces are not quickly constructed and transported to Pacific islands or to Russia or to England or China. We must fight this war with the weapons we have on hand, using the destroyer, the cruiser, and even the reluctant battleship, while adding as rapidly as possible to the air arm. So long as surface ships ply the seas, so long as submarines menace their passage, surface war-ships will be required for their protection, and airplanes for the protection of both. Surface and air forces in our fighting services should be considered, not competitors for place, but partners in a united effort.

It seems probable that the battleship is doomed to extinction, to be supplanted by the airplane carrier. However, all carriers yet built are extremely vulnerable to bomb and torpedo attack. Their speed is no protection against enemy aircraft; and their hull construction renders them less resistant to underwater damage than the battleship. It is probable that new carrier construction will incorporate some of the protective features of battleships, at a sacrifice of speed. It would seem more essential that a carrier should remain afloat after severe damage than that it should be able to steam so quickly to a position where any determined air attack must sink it. The most reliable aircraft "carrier" in the Pacific is an island, that does not move at all, but is unsinkable.

VULNERABLE NAVAL BASES

Surface navies are menaced not only by airpower but by armies. A navy does not steam from the beginning to the end of a war; it must return at frequent intervals to land bases to replenish its supplies and to effect repairs to damaged warships. In Hong Kong, at Singapore, at Manila, the British and American navies lost their bases chiefly through the action of the Japanese Army, supported by air and naval forces. In a theater of war where the Japanese held supremacy on the sea, in the air, and on land, it is difficult to apportion credit to any one for the huge territorial gains achieved so rapidly. However, it is significant that the basic strategy of the war in the Orient, as in Europe, was planned by Army officers who by tradition and by experience naturally conceive each move of a war in terms of land positions to be wrested from the enemy. This is a conception as old as war itself, and as valid today as it was before airpower had been conceived.

Thus, in each move, the basic strategy was to place Jap troops in positions opposed to an always inferior number of defendants. Naval and air forces acting in support of these land operations also held the advantage of numerical superiority. Large balanced task forces met smaller and invariably unbalanced forces—the lack of balance particularly noticeable in airpower. It would be possible to argue that the Jap navy was the dominant factor, or that Jap airpower was the decisive element. The accomplished fact nevertheless remains that troops occupied the positions; they could then be fortified and used as bases for further moves. Man, after all, is a land animal. He uses the air and the sea as a means of gaining land on which he may firmly plant himself.

In the eastern Mediterranean, German landpower assisted by airpower may capture the bases of English naval power, in which event the Royal Navy must move from that theater. The Navy cannot protect Alexandria and Suez. That is a task for ground forces. Of course, the ground troops are not independent. They are dependent on the support of airpower. German and British land forces also must depend upon sea transport, protected by naval and air forces, for their supply and maintenance. All three arms work together to gain the objective, which, in the final analysis, is land. Lacking the opposition of British ground troops with their tanks and artillery, the mechanized divisions of Rommel long since would have occupied Suez. Of course, it is conceivable that vastly superior airpower alone might have won for either contestant; but no such power existed. Wars are fought with the forces available at the time. Blueprints for victory through airpower play no part in the war until they have been translated into physical weapons and into the men trained to use them.

THE ARM OF SPACE

Airpower is the arm of space. It can fly over the strongest armies guarding a nation's frontiers and rain destruction upon the industrial heart of that nation. It is subject to interference only by an opposing air force and by the action of anti-aircraft fire from the ground. Its range of action is limited only by the cruising range of the airplane; its power of destruction only by the plane's carrying capacity. Neither seas nor fortifications can stay its course. Theoretically, if its land bases can be held, and it can be supplied with all of its requirements, from aircraft and armament and bombs, to gasoline and oil and food, airpowcr alone can smash a nation's capacity to wage war. But how much British and American airpower is required so to smash Germany? How much German airpower is needed to smash Britain?

It seems obvious that if either contestant could gain air mastery and could send a thousand or more bombers a night to blast .ejremy cities and smash the war effort at its industrial source, airpower then would win the decision. Ground forces would have only to march in and occupy the devastated nation. But no such condition exists in England or in Germany today. Neither has air mastery.

With the strong air forces opposing each other, airpower takes on many of the characteristics of landpower, with all of its limitations. Granted equal forces, the nations could trade blow for blow, match destruction with destruction. It would be, in effect, the air war of attrition, each endeavoring to wear down the other by destroying his resources and by battering against the will of the nation to continue in the war. It is a game at which two can play.

As this is written, in September, 1942, the air advantage lies with the British air force, with the American force only preparing to take an active pan. There are heavy raids over German and occupied countries, only occasional light German raids over English cities. But more than half of the German air force is heavily engaged with the Russians. It is the obvious German strategy to put the air war with Britain on ice for the time being and devote most of German airpower to the task of knocking out the Russians. If the Russians can be defeated, or driven back and immobilized, a large percentage of the German air effort can be diverted to the attack on Britain which, so far as we are concerned, must be regarded as the onlv advanced air base from which we can attack Germany. The present air advantage, therefore, has been vouchsafed to the United Nations chiefly by the action of the Red Army and Air Force.

BRITAIN AS AIRPOWER BASE

Viewed as an air base for huge aerial attacks on the mainland of Europe, the British Isles are not an impregnable position. Their chief weakness is that of supply, both through submarine and air attacks on the ships en route, and through air bombardment of British ports. The eventual bottleneck of British-American airpower may be the gradual destruction of port facilities, the sinking of ships at the docks and in the harbors, resulting in the inability to unload sufficient supplies not only to run the air forces, but also to maintain other military forces and the civilian population. Docking facilities once destroyed cannot be replaced quickly; sunken ships cannot be refloated and repaired in a short time. It should be recalled that during the past three years the amount of new shipping built has not kept pace with the tonnage of shipping sunk by submarine and air action; and that docking facilities in nearly every British port are less than they were at the start of the war. To aggravate this already strained situation, we are sending large military forces to England, all to be based there for an indefinite period, all to be supplied by sea. Thus the problem of supply looms larger and larger as the war goes on, a fact that cannot have escaped the notice of the Nazis. Air cargo carriers can have no appreciable effect upon this situation for a long time to come; that is a matter not of months, but of years.

German war strategy, based primarily on the objective of acquiring territory, has been so successful that the Germans now occupy most of Europe. This gives them the power to exploit conquered nations in every way, from the seizure of raw materials to the conscription of labor to work for the German war machine. It gives them also the room to disperse their war industries in all parts of Europe, from France to Poland, an advantage not enjoyed by Britain whose industries must remain concentrated targets for German bombardment. Thus German air bombardment can be concentrated against a relatively small area; British and American bombardment must be dispersed over a wide area. To offset this, however, British defense is concentrated, German defense necessarily dispersed. In an air war of attrition it therefore might be expected that advantages will to a great extent be offset by disadvantages. American war production, for example, not yet subject to any damage by bombardment, suffers continual wastage in completed material by the hazards of transportation.

MASTERY OF THE AIR

There is one way, and only one way, for the United States and Great Britain to avoid this air war of attrition, of bombardment and counter-bombardment whose eventual outcome no man can foresee. That way is to concentrate upon assembling in the British Isles a joint Anglo-American air force of such power that it must win mastery of the air over Britain and over Europe. A preponderance of British and American bombers and fighters is not enough to guarantee victory; we must achieve an overwhelming superiority.

Various estimates have been made of the number of heavy bombers required to knock out the German war effort at its source in German factories. Time magazine estimates that a force of 3000 heavy bombers, with continuing replacements of plane and crew losses, would be required to stage 1000-plane nightly raids, weather permitting. Such a force could drop from 30000 to 50000 tons of bombs a month on German cities, could continue the destruction indefinitely. In ninety days that force could blast thirty German key cities, dropping from 6000 to 10000 tons on each—or twenty times as much on each city as the Germans dropped on Birmingham in two nights. However, as there is no patent on airpower or on air thinking, it is reasonable to assume that the Germans have made similar calculations, based on the damage suffered by Cologne, Dusseldorf, Bremen, Duisburg, and many other cities. Last summer's raids by the RAF have probably made Germany the most air conscious nation in the world. Hence we may safely assume that they are making strenuous efforts to replace their air losses on the Russian front and to build a large force of heavy bombers for a renewal of the air offensive against Britain. There is no certaintv that the present advantage enjoyed by the RAF and the small American force will continue forever. In fact, thinking that it must continue is merely another form of the complacency that so far has resulted in defeat after defeat for our side.

I remarked at the beginning that there is not yet in the world a great airpower nation: a nation that can gain control of the air as Britain and the United States gained control of the seas. Merely to be stronger in the air does not mean to have control! of the air. Mastery of the air means to be in a position to deny freedom of action to the enemy, while winning freedom of air action against the enemy. Thus the British-American objective should be to assemble a force of such power that it can deny to German bombers the air over Britain. British industry and ports-especially ports-must be made too costly in losses for German bombers to continue their attacks; and British bombing over Germany must be made with such an intensity and in such magnitude that the defending German fighter forces will be worn down and frittered away. The air action therefore must be both defensive and offensive; there must be a balance between bombers and fighters. The objective of an air force must be not only destruction of enemy industry but also destruction of the enemy air force, in the air and on the ground. Once mastery of the air has been gained, the nation having such mastery can methodically destroy everything within range of its bombers until the enemy nation admits defeat, even though its army, like the German army, still remains undefeated; or its Navy, like the Royal Navy, still holds the seas.

Germany sprawls across the continent of Europe, forced to police it and hold it in subjection, thus dispersing its armed might, but growing stronger by seizing most of the resources of Europe. Against this growth, however, must be set the continual wearing down and gnawing away of German military power, of land and air, by the stubborn resistance of the great Russian bear. Eventual victory in the cast mav leave the Germans too weakened to achieve victory also in the west; and complete victory in the east never may be achieved. The cost in German blood, in German misery and sorrow at home, must have a weakening effect on German morale. Superior British-American airpower well may add the hammer blows that will prove the vital factor in German defeat.

England stands off the coast of Europe, territorially a David challenging a Goliath, but in spiritual strength a united people, aided now by the Americans, descendants of those who left the shores of Europe to escape older tyrannies, older privations. These free peoples face a Europe in chains, a Europe of conquered peoples, sullen, embittered, with an evergrowing hatred of the Nazi oppressor whose present overlordship is based, not upon spiritual strength, but upon tanks and guns and airplanes.

Modern war may not be decided by military force alone. For this is a war in which military forces fight not only each other, but also fight civilians, from the workman at the lathe to the infant in the cradle, knowing nothing of and caring nothing about what they may destroy. It is the war of military force arrayed against the human spirit. And in this sphere of action airpower plays the dominant role. Here is the one arm against which there is no certain defense, against which no barrier may be erected, against whose onslaughts no one is safe. The curve of. its destructive power is rising, rising faster than the power of armies or of navies, and rising, perhaps, beyond the powers of resistance of a nation on which, its shadow falls.



Source: "Aerosphere-1942". Buy this issue at Amazon.com.

Airpower in action (part I)

by CY Caldwell

CY Caldwell

In any discussion of airpower it should be emphasized that there is not yet in the world a great airpower nation: that is to say, a nation that has. believed in, has developed, and has relied upon airpower as its chief defensive or offensive arm.

At the start of this war all of the great nations. considered themselves primarily as sea powers or land-powers or as a combination of the two, with airpower placed in an auxiliary or secondary position in the nation's war plans. The fact that the air forces of Great Britain, Germany, Russia, France and Italy were supposedly independent of Army or Navy control while those of the United States and Japan were part of the Army or Navy, did not to any appreciable extent alter the actual position of those air forces.

Though all of these nations possessed armies, navies_ and air forces, geographical reasons had conditioned the national thinking. Germany, Russia, and France were land powers; Great Britain and the United States, sea powers; Japan, as an island nation wit h plans tor conquest on the continent of Asia, developed an army and navy appropriate to its situation All with the exception of Britain and Italy, designed their air forces to function in support of the Army and Navy, rather than to act independently The British developed an air force to act as an mdependen force but such was the British faith in seapower that when the war started the Royal Air Force was less than a quarter the size of the Luftwaffe, so it could not have held first place in national thinking. As tor the Italian Air Force, it functioned independently. and quite as efficiently and enthusiastically as the Italian Army and Navy. In every retreat, the Italian Air Force gallantly led the way.

The Germans, starting the war with the world s laraest air force, yet considered themselves a land power and placed their chief reliance upon their army Their air force, while it enjoyed an independent political entity, yet was designed built, and trained intensively to act in support of the army. Despite its inipressivesize, it was basically an army air auxiliary. It has proven itself amazingly successful in that capacity, and as amazingly ineffective when it worked independently as an air force.

The first battle of the war, that of Poland presented the pattern that the Germans have followed awfully ever since: air forces acting as spearheads of the mechanized divisions and the infantry injlose co-operation with the tanks and ranging far ahead of them to smash the opposing air force and destroy enemy ground communications Although the German war pattern then was made clear, French and English commanders failed to learn the lesson until it was repeated in the Battle of France.

AIRPOWER THE SPEARHEAD

In France, as in Poland, superior air power was the key to victory. In the first two or three days it over-whelmed and practically destroyed all French and British opposition in the air. The French and English had only a few hundred airplanes in action and they were soon shot down or destroyed on their aerodromes. It was a battle of airpower against almost nothing in the air.

The plane-tank combination, which broke with such fury upon the 1918-minded French and British army commanders, smashed the Allied ground defenses and knifed its way through to the back areas, disrupting all communications and cutting off the troops in forward areas. The French and English were separated, disorganized as a fighting force. An army of five million men was defeated by no more than 150000 highly trained Germans in tanks and airplanes.

It is significant that in German war communiques then, and in German comment generally since then, there is no tendency to play up armies or air forces as such in any joint actions. It is taken for granted that both must work together in a common effort to win a decision on the ground. The Germans think in terms of territory gained, which is the way they have thought for centuries. It is the unity of ground and air effort, the complete understanding and co-operation between ground and air forces, that has been one of the chief factors for achieving victory in every campaign. Other factors have been superior forces and also superior planning.

Spectacular German gains in 1940 emphasized the vital necessity for airpower in war, and in a form that worked in close support of armies. In France, the army held paramount interest. In Norway it was the German air force that made the invasion possible, that smashed the British Expeditionary Force and dictated its withdrawal. Here, for the first time in history, was a clear-cut victory of land-based airpower over seapower—the second was in Crete. The British made the official admission that they could not transport to and establish in Norway sufficient airpower of their own to defeat the Luftwaffe, and that it was impossible to maintain and supply their troops with only naval support.

In Norway the Germans held the initial advantage of sneaking in and securing operating bases, without the formality of a previous declaration of war against Norway. A declaration of war, incidentally, is a relic of the days of chivalry, when a knight threw down his gauntlet as a challenge. The Germans have purged chivalry. They simply got on the ground first with the most men, planes, tanks, and guns, before the Norwegians and British realized that a state of war existed in quite an advanced stage. Even had the British counterinvasion effort not been marred by indecision the Germans enjoyed the tremendous advantage of shorter lines of communication and the ease of reinforcement by air. Even if more than small ground forces had been established on Norwegian soil, the British position eventually must have been rendered untenable by heavy German airpower. The British discreetly withdrew, thus gaining experience that was to prove invaluable in Dunkirk, Greece, and Crete.

It should be noted that the Germans did not depend upon airpower alone to capture and hold Norway. They sent to Norway by air and by sea every soldier and every piece of equipment that they could possibly transport in the time at their disposal; and they threw into the battle practically all of their small seapower, trusting in their aviation to offset superior British naval forces. The Germans demonstrated then their determined war policy: to use every weapon of land, sea, and air, propaganda, and treachery, co-ordinated to win the decision.

In Norway, as later in Holland, Belgium, and France, the outstanding fact was the perfect co-ordination of all forces to gain the objective. Where there was such superiority on land and in the air, it is difficult to apportion the credit to land or air forces, considered as such. Airmen naturally hailed these victories as triumphs of airpower; army men as naturally hailed the tank, never failing to add that even tanks couldn't occupy territory without the infantry to follow along and consolidate the positions. Armies today believe as firmly as ever in the efficacy of infantry, supported of course by tanks and aviation. If the infantry no longer is able to act alone to conquer territory, neither are tanks or aviation or artillery. The thing now is perfect co-ordination of all forces, as the Germans have so efficiently demonstrated.

BATTLE OF BRITAIN

However, nothing is perfect in this sad world. There are conditions under which even the greatest strategist faces frustration, and munches his blutwurst mit sauerkraut with less than his usual zest. Such a sad condition popped up unexpectedly in the Battle of Britain, when the numerically inferior but technically and heroically superior Royal Air Force came to grips with the lumbering Luftwaffe and knocked it groggy.

There had been a preliminary engagement between British fighters and German fighters and dive bombers above the disconsolate sands of Dunkirk during the British evacuation—evacuation No. 2, that was. The British, surprisingly enough, had won local air mastery, permitting the flotilla of small boats, excursion boats, destroyers and punts to remove the defeated troops. The Germans, still busy chasing the French, and occasionally catching up to and passing the slower ones, thought little of this air action, blaming the British triumph mostly on the fog, an element with which the British were so familiar, from childhood, that they could see through it, while the Germans couldn't.

However, after standing on the French coast with his whole victorious Army warning the British that he was coming, Hitler sent his air force over to smash the RAF and pave the way for invasion. The battle lasted from Aug. 8th to Oct. 31, 1940, between which dates 2,375 German aircraft were destroyed in daylight, with the loss of some 6000 men. The British lost 733 planes, with 375 pilots killed and 358 wounded. The figure of German losses takes no account of those lost at night or those last seen fleeing home in a damaged condition.

Deficient in armor and in armament, the German bombers without exception were easy prey for British 8-gun fighters. The Spitfires and Hurricane pilots went after the bombers, protected by swarms of Messerschmitts, and shot down bombers and fighters with equal ease. Meanwhile British bombers attacked German invasion bases along the French channel coast, destroying barges and ships. Outnumbered four or five to one—and in some engagements outnumbered twenty to one—the RAF smashed the German air attacks and handed to the Luftwaffe its first defeat. Near the end of the fight a few Italian planes came over, though as an English pilot remarked at the time, a few thoroughly frightened Italians could have but little effect on the battle. The English casually shot down seven Italian bombers and six fighters the first day, seven more bombers next day, without the loss of a single Britisher. It was thought that Mussolini had sent them over as much-needed comedy relief, which the English said was rather nice of him.

It was the consensus that the enormous losses inflicted upon the Nazi air squadrons, together with the destruction of sea invasion equipment, forced Hitler to abandon his plan to invade England in 1940. While that is undoubtedly true, it seems that there were other factors controlling the situation. It is entirely possible that the invasion plans were not meant to be carried out, and that the virtual destruction of the RAF would have been thought sufficient to force the British to sue for peace. Even had air mastery been achieved, the task still remained to send vulnerable barges and transports across the Channel against the opposition of the British Home Fleet, to which the Germans could oppose only a small navy assisted by the air force. The initial engagements to pave the way for troop crossings might well be expected to dissipate nearly all of Germany's slender seapower and much of its remaining airpower. Furthermore, an invasion at night would receive but little help from an air force; to derive any advantage whatever from airpower the attack would have to be made in daylight. Neither by day nor by night was the prospect of invasion a pleasant one. But there may have been a still more compelling reason why the invasion plan was abandoned.

BASIC GERMAN STRATEGY

Germany is a land power, and despite its air force and its submarines and its surface Navy, the main trend of German military thinking has to do with the land - it was the Kaiser himself who remarked some - what bitterly that Germans are landlubbers, and he should know the Germans if anyone does. On Germany's eastern borders lurked the huge Red Army and Air Force; and in the German official mind must have dwelt the suspicion, if not the absolute certainty, that once large Nazi forces were fully committed to ihe invasion attempt, the Red Army would gird up its loins and wade into the fray. Certainly, rather than invade Britain, the Germans turned east to smash the Russian land and air threat. Thus it is well within the realm of possibility that the Red Army had something to do with saving Britain in 1940 and '41.

I mention this speculation to indicate that in this war so far it has been difficult to determine to what extent airpower has won decisions by its own independent action; to what extent armies have functioned successfully as armies, and to what extent navies have .acted independently. In practice, of course thev work together in co-ordinated effort, so far as it can be achieved. That much is plain. But which is the debtor? Which the creditor? Even a study of the various campaigns do not afford us any conclusive answer to those questions.

The invasion of Crete offered proof that under certain conditions air forces could defeat naval forces and effect the capture of an island inadequately defended by air and ground forces. Here for the first time parachute troops were used in large numbers; and. airborne infantry in transports and gliders made their appearance. A prerequisite to their successful use was mastery of the air, which the Germans achieved in two days by shooting down in the air and smashing on the ground the few RAF squadrons based on Crete. When it was evident that the air decision had been lost, the few remaining British air units were withdrawn, after which the Germans operated unopposed in the air, landing enough troops to effect the capture of the island and British evacuation No. 4-No. 3 had been from Greece. British ground troops were forced to surrender or escape in shattered remnants in the few remaining transports and even sailboats, leaving all of their equipment behind.

Overwhelming German air power combined with an air transportation operation, that delivered German troops, machine guns, light tanks, and artillery right on the battleground proved itself an invasion combination superior to the British defense combination of a naval fleet, ground troops, anti-aircraft guns, and a few airplanes. The Germans sank two British cruisers, four destroyers, many merchant ships, defeated an army of 50000 men with some 35000 men landed in Crete. The Germans had 8000 casualties, lost 300 planes. The British lost not only Crete, but all naval and air control of the Aegean Sea, cutting off Turkey and leaving that nation in the new German zone of influence. The first wholly air-borne invasion in history had resulted in enormous strategical gains at comparatively small cost in men and material.

NEW ERA IN WARFARE

The Battle of Crete undoubtedly marks the beginning of a new era in warfare, foreshadowed as it was by the use of similar tactics on a smaller scale in Norway, Holland, and Belgium. Such vertical investment, however, depends initially upon the gaining of air masterv and the development of a situation where the invader can assure continuous supply and reinforcement of his own forces while denying them to the opponent. To jump to the conclusion that it can be used anywhere against any opponent would be unsound. But the lesson is plain that surface forces, whether of sea or land, are incapable alone of defending territory against which an opponent can hurl superior airpower. With control of the air and the requisite air transport, the attacker must be able to deliver to the invasion area a greater force than the defender can bring to bear in the same space of time, or make up for lack of such ground force by direct air action. Without such assurance, an air invasion would be more likely to tail than to succeed.

In the Battle of Russia, for example, neither opponent as vet possesses the airpower necessary to duplicate the Crete invasion, although parachute troops have been used to attack many objectives behind the lines. If or when the time comes that either Russia or Germany gains marked air superiority, if not air mastery, we may see the tactics of Crete used on a large scale and in many sectors at the same time. Smashing-frontal attacks on positions defensive in depth pile up casualties in men and wastage in material so enormous that a vertical invasion behind that protected front may be deemed well worth the risk, even though the invader has not air mastery, but only a preponderance of aircraft. The presence of a considerable ground force landed in the rear of strongly held lines must exert on the defending army a disruptive power far in excess of its physical striking ability. It can at once cut that army off from its communications, forcing it to fight its way back to its own supplies, and thus withdrawing or weakening the front it held before such back-area invasion was effected. If such maneuvers are carried out in several areas at once, the result must be to render such areas mere islands of opposition scattered along the front. It would be the air equivalent of the German ground pincer movement. It would be a ground-air column of penetration along a strongly-held front, able to attack at any point, irrespective of the strength of the forces holding the front, for it would simply tiy over such forces, which could not come into action until they knew at what points in the rear the invader would be established.

The Russo-German war is primarily a land war, airpower, while a vital factor, is used in support of the ground forces. Both air forces operate from bases behind and protected by their armies. Without this around shield, either opponent could advance along the wound and capture the air bases of the other; for no air force yet in existence has within its own organization the ability to protect ground. If the. army is driven back, the air force operating behind that army must retreat to bases further back as British, German, and Italian air forces alternately have been doing for two years in Libya. It seems evident that without the opposition of the Russian armies the German armies would have had a clear road to Moscow in 1941, despite anything the Red Air Force could do to stop them. And without the German army to block its path, the Russian army could have invaded Germany. Air forces powerful enough to smash everything on the ground, including armies with their ability to disperse and offer only scattered targets, do not exist today. In the present stage of their development, armies fight armies, air forces fight air forces. Both act in support of the other. Both are necessary.

to be continued




Source: "Aerosphere-1942". Buy this issue at Amazon.com.